Tag: New York politics

  • Opinion: Hochul’s Housing Agenda Is Eroding Home Rule in New York

    Opinion: Hochul’s Housing Agenda Is Eroding Home Rule in New York

    By Raheem Soto

    New York has a housing problem. That much is obvious.

    What is less acceptable is the idea that Albany should solve that problem by steadily weakening the ability of towns, villages and local residents to make decisions about their own communities.

    Governor Kathy Hochul has spent years advancing housing policies that increasingly tie state money, environmental review and development policy to Albany’s preferred outcome: build more housing, build it faster and reduce the ability of local processes to slow it down.

    Her administration calls that progress.

    I see an erosion of home rule.

    The latest example is Hochul’s “Let Them Build” agenda, which she signed into law as part of the FY 2027 budget. The package makes major changes to New York’s State Environmental Quality Review Act, or SEQRA, with the stated goal of shortening environmental reviews and accelerating housing and infrastructure projects. Hochul says the reforms preserve local zoning while eliminating unnecessary delays. 

    But home rule is about more than whether a town technically retains a zoning code.

    It is about whether communities retain meaningful control over what gets built, where it gets built, how projects are reviewed and whether residents have a meaningful opportunity to influence decisions that permanently change the places where they live.

    That principle should matter especially on Long Island.

    Southampton is not Buffalo. Riverhead is not Manhattan. Huntington is not Albany.

    Every community has different roads, schools, water supplies, wastewater limitations, environmental concerns and neighborhood character. Local zoning exists precisely because those differences are real.

    When Albany creates statewide incentives, approval structures and funding systems designed to push municipalities toward one preferred housing policy, local control can remain on paper while becoming weaker in practice.

    That is already visible through Hochul’s Pro-Housing Communities program.

    The administration openly states that certain discretionary state funding is prioritized for municipalities that receive the state’s Pro-Housing designation. Those programs include significant economic-development and infrastructure funding. 

    Think about what that means.

    Albany does not necessarily have to abolish local zoning to influence local land-use policy. It can simply make communities choose between maintaining their own approach and gaining access to money their taxpayers already send to the state.

    That is not the kind of partnership between state and local government New Yorkers should want.

    It is leverage.

    And local officials elsewhere in New York are already saying so. In February, the Town of Hurley formally objected to what it described as an erosion of home rule, arguing that state actions were centralizing decisions involving zoning, infrastructure and community standards. 

    The same concern has surfaced on Long Island around other Albany housing proposals. State Sen. Steve Rhoads and local officials have criticized the proposed REVIVE Act because qualifying projects could be treated as permitted by right, with statewide rules affecting density, height and parking while limiting local review. 

    The governor and her supporters have a legitimate argument: New York desperately needs more housing, lengthy approval processes can increase costs, and local governments sometimes use zoning and environmental review to prevent reasonable development.

    Those problems deserve solutions.

    But correcting bad local policy cannot become an excuse for transferring more decision-making power to Albany.

    There is a better approach.

    Give municipalities incentives to create housing. Help them expand sewer infrastructure. Provide grants for downtown redevelopment. Help convert vacant commercial properties. Support first-time homebuyers. Work with communities to identify appropriate areas for multifamily housing.

    Hochul’s own housing program contains many of those worthwhile investments. 

    But incentives should remain incentives.

    Once state funding, regulatory deadlines and statewide development mandates begin forcing local governments toward Albany’s preferred land-use decisions, the balance changes.

    For Long Island communities, that should be a warning.

    Our drinking water, traffic, schools, coastal environment and infrastructure are local realities. The people living with the consequences of development should have the strongest voice in deciding how that development occurs.

    Albany has a role.

    It should not have the final word on everything.

    New York can build more housing without dismantling the principle that local communities know their own needs.

    Home rule is not an obstacle to good government.

    It is part of good government.

    And once Albany takes that authority away, getting it back will be much harder than giving it up.

  • Blakeman Takes Local-Control Fight With Hochul Statewide

    Blakeman Takes Local-Control Fight With Hochul Statewide

    By Auxio News Now | Auxio.tv News

    Nassau County Executive Bruce Blakeman is taking a dispute over immigration enforcement and turning it into a broader argument about state power, public safety and local control.

    The immediate fight centers on New York’s move to block local law-enforcement agencies from maintaining certain formal cooperation agreements with U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement.

    Nassau County had participated in a federal 287(g) arrangement, which allows designated local officers to perform limited immigration-enforcement functions under federal supervision. After New York enacted restrictions on those agreements, Blakeman ended Nassau’s participation rather than defy state law.

    But he did not abandon the issue.

    Instead, Nassau has moved into the legal and political fight over whether Albany should be able to prevent counties from choosing that kind of cooperation with federal authorities.

    That gives Blakeman a useful campaign argument as he runs for governor.

    His case is straightforward: counties are responsible for public safety on the ground, yet Albany is increasingly setting limits on how those counties can work with federal law enforcement.

    Supporters of the state law see the issue differently.

    They argue local police should focus on criminal enforcement rather than civil immigration matters, and that close cooperation with ICE can discourage some immigrants from reporting crimes or cooperating with police.

    That is the policy divide.

    But Blakeman is trying to make the dispute about more than immigration.

    For him, the larger question is whether Albany should continue expanding its authority over decisions traditionally handled by counties and municipalities.

    That argument has resonance beyond Nassau County.

    Long Island officials regularly clash with the state over policing, housing, zoning, energy projects and other policies where local governments argue that statewide rules do not always reflect local conditions.

    Blakeman is positioning himself as the candidate willing to push back.

    His record in Nassau helps him make that case. He has emphasized police hiring, opposition to tax increases and a more aggressive approach to public safety while presenting county government as an alternative to Albany’s governing philosophy.

    The ICE dispute gives that message a specific example.

    Rather than simply arguing that New York’s immigration policy is too permissive, Blakeman can point to a situation in which a county chose one enforcement approach and the state government effectively took that option away.

    Whether the courts agree with that argument is a separate question.

    State government has broad authority to regulate municipalities, and home rule in New York has never meant that counties can disregard general state laws.

    Still, the political issue remains.

    How much discretion should local governments have when the people running those governments believe a statewide policy makes their communities less safe?

    Governor Kathy Hochul and Democratic lawmakers have taken the position that some rules should apply consistently across New York.

    Blakeman is arguing that greater local discretion is itself a form of accountability.

    If a county executive or sheriff makes the wrong call, local voters can respond.

    If the decision is made in Albany, responsibility becomes more distant.

    That is the contrast Blakeman is taking into the governor’s race.

    The fight may have started with ICE.

    It is becoming a much larger argument over who gets the final say in New York government.

    Auxio News Now | Auxio.tv News

  • Kiely Puts Home Rule at the Center of East End Assembly Campaign

    Kiely Puts Home Rule at the Center of East End Assembly Campaign

    By East End Now | Auxio.tv News

    Stephen Kiely is making home rule one of the clearest themes in his campaign for New York State Assembly.

    Kiely, the Republican candidate for the 1st Assembly District, argues that East End towns should keep control over major land-use decisions instead of having Albany impose one-size-fits-all housing policies.

    That position is tied closely to how he defines the problem.

    Kiely has not described the East End simply as having a housing shortage. His argument is that the region has an affordability problem — one that will not be solved by adding high-density development without regard for water, traffic, infrastructure and community character.

    That distinction matters on the East End.

    Southampton, Southold, Riverhead, East Hampton and Shelter Island all face different constraints. Some areas have limited wastewater capacity. Others face groundwater concerns, seasonal traffic, expensive land and roads that were never designed for major population growth.

    Albany can set a statewide housing goal.

    Local communities still have to live with the result.

    Kiely’s position is not that housing should stop being built.

    He has supported more targeted approaches, including accessory dwelling units, adaptive reuse of existing buildings and smaller-scale housing that fits the character and infrastructure of individual communities.

    The theme running through those ideas is local control.

    Kiely has made a similar argument on battery-storage projects, where he has opposed shifting more siting authority away from towns and toward the state.

    The principle is consistent: statewide policy should not erase local knowledge.

    That does not mean every local decision is automatically a good one. Towns can make mistakes too. But when development creates pressure on water, roads, emergency services and surrounding neighborhoods, the people closest to those consequences should have a meaningful role in deciding what gets approved.

    That is especially important on the East End, where land-use decisions can have long-term effects on groundwater and community character.

    Kiely’s campaign is therefore framing housing less as a race to produce the highest number of units and more as a question of what kind of housing fits the region, where it should go and who should make that decision.

    For voters in the 1st Assembly District, home rule may sound like a technical phrase.

    In practice, it is about something much simpler:

    Who gets the final say over how the East End grows?

    Kiely’s answer is clear. He believes those decisions should stay as close as possible to the communities that will live with them.

    Learn more about Stephen Kiely’s campaign:
    https://www.facebook.com/share/1Br8ZkgrrK/?mibextid=wwXIfr

    East End Now — Your East End. Your News.